Restricciones tipológicas en la incorporación verbal de adjuntos

Abstract

The aim of the present contribution is to define how can verb particle constructions in both satellite-framed languages like Germanic, Ancient Greek or Latin and verb-framed languages like Romance (Talmy, 2000) be analyzed in a unified semantic model, which is compatible with the framework of Combinatory Categorial Grammar (CCG: Steedman, 2000; Baldridge and Hoyt, 2015). It is argued that the syntactic-semantic type postulated for local adjuncts as well as the type of semantic modification rule applied to compose such structures can predict not only the combinatorial distribution of motion verbs in Germanic, as opposed to Romance, but also the behaviour of cross-categorial domains like indirect/direct causation, subordination and secondary predication among several lexical classes. Finally, it is explained how it is possible for Romance to assume the syntactic expression of satellite structures, even if this language family does not belong to the satellite-framed typology.